George Osborne's planned 3p increase in petrol duty will strain household finances for another three years and cause more pain than it raises in tax, campaigners warned today.
Petrol price campaigners will present the Treasury with an analysis by economists on Monday showing a 3p rise in duty would cost the economy at least £1 billion - substantially more than the £800 million in tax it would bring in.
Robert Halfon, the MP for Harlow and petrol campaigner, believes the rise due for January next year will cost families £60 a year in petrol costs alone.
But it will also inflict wider, damaging effects on the whole economy, according to the new report from the National Institute of Economic and Social Research (NIESR).
The NIESR economists found there would be a drop in household spending, leading to lower national income and around 35,000 job losses.
The cost to the economy could reach as much as £2 billion and cause 50,000 job losses, if the additional pressure on inflation causes the Bank of England to raise interest rates.
“The negative impact on growth is expected to persist into 2015, with a full recovery not anticipated for six years,” the report said.
"Any increase in fuel duty raises prices, and therefore causes a fall in households’ real spending power and reduces consumer spending. Lower consumer spending means that firms sell less, leading to bankruptcy and job losses, and putting further pressure on household income."
Quentin Willson, the motoring expert and spokesman for FairFuelUK, said fuel duty should be a “lever for growth” rather than the Treasury's “sacred cash cow”.
“We've proved our argument with robust financial research and modelling that shows if you raise duty you destroy jobs and damage growth,” he said.
Mr Halfon, who successfully campaigned for fuel duty rises to be deferred in the past, said the latest plan to increase tax for motorists does not make sense.
“Our economy has turned the corner, and it is now growing again," he said. "The last thing that we need is to crush that recovery with a £60-a-head tax on petrol and diesel.
Sources said the meeting at the Treasury between officials and fuel campaigners is “routine”.
Monday, 29 October 2012
Sunday, 28 October 2012
Motoring Journo's love the new Range Rover
The journalists are back from Morocco having sampled the fourth generation Range Rover on some of the world’s most demanding roads for the first time. The question is whether the new car, which has consumed hundreds of millions in development resources is the leap forward over the outgoing L322 – itself hardly shabby – that Land Rover says it is. Let’s see what the major UK magazines had to say about it…
What Car?
You never quite forget that you’re driving a two-tonne, top-heavy SUV but the Range Rover is remarkably agile. It feels precise and confidence-inspiring at all speeds and on all surfaces – even sand and rocks. Best of all, it rides with a suppleness that eludes most luxury saloons, let alone other SUVs. It’ll get you further into the wilderness than most other SUVs, too.
Elegant simplicity is what the Range Rover’s cabin is all about. The excellent driving position means it’s incredibly comfortable, and you’ll also enjoy the traditional Range Rover visibility; you can see all four corners of the car from the driver’s seat. Most of the major functions are controlled by easy-to-use knobs, the dials are clear and the touch-screen infotainment system is intuitive and simple to understand.
I summary, it’s brilliant on- and off road and reasonably efficient if you buy a V6 diesel. Truly a rival for the best luxury saloons, and has a prodigious ability to climb mountains and cross deserts. It’s expensive to buy and will be painfully expensive to run if you go for one of the V8s.
Autocar
The new Range Rover SDV8 is no bargain — the cheapest in the range is £70,000-plus — but this new model is better in every respect, and its margins of improvement are instantly obvious, even over a machine as good as the outgoing L322 Range Rover.
Our settled opinion must await a direct comparison, but we reckon it’s overwhelmingly likely this 2013 Range Rover sets a new SUV standard for the world. JLR certainly thinks so: brand boss John Edwards expects annual sales to eclipse the previous best (32,000 units in 2007) by posting ‘a figure with a four in front’ in the first full year, and it might even do better than that.
Auto Express
An automotive icon improved. The new Range Rover does the luxury thing better than many more expensive luxury cars, with off-road ability that’s the best bar none. It’s not quite perfect – access and space in the back isn’t fantastic and we’re not fans of the touchscreen infotainment system. But it gets closer to perfect than anything else at the money and is a fantastic engineering and styling achievement.
Evo
It’s very different to drive than the previous model is the short answer. The chief difference is in the steering, which feels much more direct than before, thanks to an all-new electrically powered steering rack and revised front suspension design. The sweetest steering version of all is the TDV6, thanks to it having the lightest engine (the 254bhp TDV6 is 200kg lighter overall than the new SDV8).
This makes a bigger difference than you might expect because both the ride and engine refinement seem to be better on the smaller engined model too, even though Land Rover says spring rates and damping are very similar across the model range.
While the TDV6 offers more than adequate performance (0-60mph 7.4sec, 130mph top speed), there’s a significant jump in perceived power when you get behind the wheel of the SDV8 that’s most noticeable when overtaking. Once up to motorway speeds though, there’s little to choose between the two diesel models in terms of quietness, with the bigger diesel turning over at a mere 1400rpm at 70mph.
It’s expensive when you compare it to the outgoing model. Ignoring the £71,295 TDV6 entry model, like-for-like pricing on the V8 diesel model has increased by close to £15-20,000 compared to its predecessor. Land Rover says the average price of the new Range Rovers it already has in its order bank is close to £94,000, and on the supercharged Autobiography models it’s running at close to £120,000.
Conclusions
Land Rover has created the ultimate luxury car that just happens to be rather good off-road as well as cossetting its fortunate owners. It’s taken a big leap forward dynamically, and built on the already world-class interior, to become what should be the best all-rounder in the world, even if the top-priced models are now £100,000-plus without breaking a sweat. We can’t wait to try on in a more representative test in the UK.
Currently, Land Rover can do no wrong, and it will be interesting to see if the L405 maintains the company’s momentum in the coming years – all the signs are that it will, and that the growing eastern markets that seem to have an insatiable appetite for this kind of car will find it an irresistible proposition.
What Car?
You never quite forget that you’re driving a two-tonne, top-heavy SUV but the Range Rover is remarkably agile. It feels precise and confidence-inspiring at all speeds and on all surfaces – even sand and rocks. Best of all, it rides with a suppleness that eludes most luxury saloons, let alone other SUVs. It’ll get you further into the wilderness than most other SUVs, too.
Elegant simplicity is what the Range Rover’s cabin is all about. The excellent driving position means it’s incredibly comfortable, and you’ll also enjoy the traditional Range Rover visibility; you can see all four corners of the car from the driver’s seat. Most of the major functions are controlled by easy-to-use knobs, the dials are clear and the touch-screen infotainment system is intuitive and simple to understand.
I summary, it’s brilliant on- and off road and reasonably efficient if you buy a V6 diesel. Truly a rival for the best luxury saloons, and has a prodigious ability to climb mountains and cross deserts. It’s expensive to buy and will be painfully expensive to run if you go for one of the V8s.
Autocar
The new Range Rover SDV8 is no bargain — the cheapest in the range is £70,000-plus — but this new model is better in every respect, and its margins of improvement are instantly obvious, even over a machine as good as the outgoing L322 Range Rover.
Our settled opinion must await a direct comparison, but we reckon it’s overwhelmingly likely this 2013 Range Rover sets a new SUV standard for the world. JLR certainly thinks so: brand boss John Edwards expects annual sales to eclipse the previous best (32,000 units in 2007) by posting ‘a figure with a four in front’ in the first full year, and it might even do better than that.
Auto Express
An automotive icon improved. The new Range Rover does the luxury thing better than many more expensive luxury cars, with off-road ability that’s the best bar none. It’s not quite perfect – access and space in the back isn’t fantastic and we’re not fans of the touchscreen infotainment system. But it gets closer to perfect than anything else at the money and is a fantastic engineering and styling achievement.
Evo
It’s very different to drive than the previous model is the short answer. The chief difference is in the steering, which feels much more direct than before, thanks to an all-new electrically powered steering rack and revised front suspension design. The sweetest steering version of all is the TDV6, thanks to it having the lightest engine (the 254bhp TDV6 is 200kg lighter overall than the new SDV8).
This makes a bigger difference than you might expect because both the ride and engine refinement seem to be better on the smaller engined model too, even though Land Rover says spring rates and damping are very similar across the model range.
While the TDV6 offers more than adequate performance (0-60mph 7.4sec, 130mph top speed), there’s a significant jump in perceived power when you get behind the wheel of the SDV8 that’s most noticeable when overtaking. Once up to motorway speeds though, there’s little to choose between the two diesel models in terms of quietness, with the bigger diesel turning over at a mere 1400rpm at 70mph.
It’s expensive when you compare it to the outgoing model. Ignoring the £71,295 TDV6 entry model, like-for-like pricing on the V8 diesel model has increased by close to £15-20,000 compared to its predecessor. Land Rover says the average price of the new Range Rovers it already has in its order bank is close to £94,000, and on the supercharged Autobiography models it’s running at close to £120,000.
Conclusions
Land Rover has created the ultimate luxury car that just happens to be rather good off-road as well as cossetting its fortunate owners. It’s taken a big leap forward dynamically, and built on the already world-class interior, to become what should be the best all-rounder in the world, even if the top-priced models are now £100,000-plus without breaking a sweat. We can’t wait to try on in a more representative test in the UK.
Currently, Land Rover can do no wrong, and it will be interesting to see if the L405 maintains the company’s momentum in the coming years – all the signs are that it will, and that the growing eastern markets that seem to have an insatiable appetite for this kind of car will find it an irresistible proposition.
Grayling opens door to human rights reform becoming key plank of the Conservatives' General Election campaign
Chris Grayling, the new Justice Secretary, has just been on Andrew Marr's show to reject Labour's call for an independent judicial inquiry into the Jimmy Savile affair but, more significantly, to point towards what he clearly intends to be a central issue at the next General Election - reform of human rights laws.
Mr Grayling said that he was determined to use the next two years to come forward with a "clear plan" that would correct the way that European judges were currently expanding the original understanding of human rights laws to give terrorists, for example, the right to avoid deportation. He said that there would be proposals in the next Tory manifesto to protect all basic human rights but there would also be proposals to stop the expansive interpretation of those rights by activist judges. He refused to say what form these proposals would take but diplomatically promised to build on the work that his predecessor, Ken Clarke, had already done.
Reform of human rights laws would, Grayling hopes, be one of the "EU veto-style moments" that he has previously suggested must pave the way to a Tory recovery in the polls.
Grayling has a reputation has a hardliner and his party conference commitment to increase the rights of householders to defend themselves against intruders will reinforce that reputation. On Marr he vowed again to ensure that courts should be on the side of the householder when any householder lashes out against burglars to protect themselves. Mr Grayling is more than the media caricature, however. Although his appointment is vital in rebuilding Tory law and order credentials - so battered during Clarke's time and his constant battles with Britain's best-selling tabloids - he also has a strong commitment to social justice and social reform. When he held the home affairs brief in opposition he invested much intellectual energy in thinking about prisoner rehabilitation. He brings his more recent experience of the Work Programme and its emphasis on payment-by-results to his new brief. His slogan - more people going to jail and fewer people going back - perfectly combines Michael Howard's belief in incarceration and every humanitarian's belief that most offenders deserve a chance to start again and rebuild their lives.
Mr Grayling said that he was determined to use the next two years to come forward with a "clear plan" that would correct the way that European judges were currently expanding the original understanding of human rights laws to give terrorists, for example, the right to avoid deportation. He said that there would be proposals in the next Tory manifesto to protect all basic human rights but there would also be proposals to stop the expansive interpretation of those rights by activist judges. He refused to say what form these proposals would take but diplomatically promised to build on the work that his predecessor, Ken Clarke, had already done.
Reform of human rights laws would, Grayling hopes, be one of the "EU veto-style moments" that he has previously suggested must pave the way to a Tory recovery in the polls.
Grayling has a reputation has a hardliner and his party conference commitment to increase the rights of householders to defend themselves against intruders will reinforce that reputation. On Marr he vowed again to ensure that courts should be on the side of the householder when any householder lashes out against burglars to protect themselves. Mr Grayling is more than the media caricature, however. Although his appointment is vital in rebuilding Tory law and order credentials - so battered during Clarke's time and his constant battles with Britain's best-selling tabloids - he also has a strong commitment to social justice and social reform. When he held the home affairs brief in opposition he invested much intellectual energy in thinking about prisoner rehabilitation. He brings his more recent experience of the Work Programme and its emphasis on payment-by-results to his new brief. His slogan - more people going to jail and fewer people going back - perfectly combines Michael Howard's belief in incarceration and every humanitarian's belief that most offenders deserve a chance to start again and rebuild their lives.
Thatcher seen as most competent of living Prime Ministers and Brixton's John Major as least out of touch
The latest YouGov poll for The Sunday Times not only suggests that Labour's lead may be narrowing it also asked questions about all five living PMs. It found that Margaret Thatcher was seen as the most competent and Gordon Brown as the most incompetent. Tony Blair was seen as the most in touch and John Major as the least out of touch. The results are summarised in the table below - please follow the colours ---
It's hard to judge Cameron at this stage of his time at Number 10. If the economy recovers over the next few years and he embeds the Gove and IDS reforms his numbers will improve substantially.
It's hard to judge Cameron at this stage of his time at Number 10. If the economy recovers over the next few years and he embeds the Gove and IDS reforms his numbers will improve substantially.
Saturday, 27 October 2012
Italian Job tops the polls
The 1969 hit The Italian Job has taken the top spot a poll held for the Classic Film Festival that takes place at this year’s Footman James Classic Motor Show held in Birmingham on 16-18 November. More than 1700 fans voted for the popular British film, with Bullitt finishing a strong second.
Film fans votes in the folowing categories – favourite classic motoring movie; favourite classic car in the movies, favourite classic bike in the movies, favourite classic car chase, favourite classic in television and the classic they would most like to see on the big screen.
The Aston Martin DB5 from Goldfinger and Mini-Coopers in the Italian Job were voted favourite classic cars in the movies with the Triumph in The Great Escape and the Harley Davidson in Easy Rider voted favourite classic motorbikes in the movies. The Mini chase in The Italian Job and the Dodge Charger chase in Bullitt were voted first and second in the favourite car or bike chase category.
The Jaguar Mk2 in Inspector Morse and the Audi quattro in Ashes to Ashes were the favourite classic vehicles on television, while the E-type Jaguar and Mini-Cooper were the most popular requests for classics to star on screen. The competition poll forms part of the ‘Classic Film Festival’ which is being run by Footman James, specialist vehicle insurance broker and the Footman James Classic Motor Show.
A selection of the top films in each category will be shown as a Classic Film Festival series at Birmingham’s Electric Cinema, the oldest working cinema in the UK, in the weeks leading up to the Show in addition to being screened in the Footman James’ Vintage Cinema at the November Show.
Film fans votes in the folowing categories – favourite classic motoring movie; favourite classic car in the movies, favourite classic bike in the movies, favourite classic car chase, favourite classic in television and the classic they would most like to see on the big screen.
The Aston Martin DB5 from Goldfinger and Mini-Coopers in the Italian Job were voted favourite classic cars in the movies with the Triumph in The Great Escape and the Harley Davidson in Easy Rider voted favourite classic motorbikes in the movies. The Mini chase in The Italian Job and the Dodge Charger chase in Bullitt were voted first and second in the favourite car or bike chase category.
The Jaguar Mk2 in Inspector Morse and the Audi quattro in Ashes to Ashes were the favourite classic vehicles on television, while the E-type Jaguar and Mini-Cooper were the most popular requests for classics to star on screen. The competition poll forms part of the ‘Classic Film Festival’ which is being run by Footman James, specialist vehicle insurance broker and the Footman James Classic Motor Show.
A selection of the top films in each category will be shown as a Classic Film Festival series at Birmingham’s Electric Cinema, the oldest working cinema in the UK, in the weeks leading up to the Show in addition to being screened in the Footman James’ Vintage Cinema at the November Show.
A sad farewell to the Goebbels of the Gorbals
Nothing else in this world or the next could bring these two together, other perhaps than history’s most esoteric fancy dress party, but tonight Alastair Campbell and the late Mary Whitehouse will be united in a synchronised sigh of relief when the final episode of The Thick of It concludes on BBC2.
While one will be thrilled to see the back of his satirical alter ego Malcolm Tucker, the other will thank the Lord at whose right hand she surely sits for the demise of the sweariest show yet transmitted. The only programme ever to feature the title “Swearing Consultant” in its closing credits, Armando Iannucci’s brutal dissection of modern ministerial life will be fondly remembered for more than its inspired use of obscenity. It charted the fetid and fiascoid underbelly of government with as acute an ear and sharp an eye as its spiritual dam Yes Minister in the Eighties. What changed in the years between the elegantly cunning Sir Humphrey Appleby and the inventively profane Tucker, played with ineffable brilliance by Peter Capaldi, had nothing to do with the nature of politicians. In both, the ministers were barely distinguishable archetypes of spineless incompetence, dragged along like jellyfish by the undercurrents of Westminster life. What changed, after the advent of New Labour in 1997, was the power structure of Whitehall.
In Yes Minister, Jim Hacker’s special adviser was an irrelevant bit-part player, outwitted and sidelined with ease by the omnipotent Sir Humphrey. By the time The Thick of It arrived as an instant cult classic in 2005, the Rolls-Royce Civil Service in which he was the Phantom VI had been downgraded to a Ford Cortina by the rise of the Campbellian superpropagandist.
The distinction went deeper than any contrast in linguistic styles, plain enough though that was: where Sir Humphrey would answer a knock with a genteel “Enter, dear lady”, Tucker’s most memorable response of the kind was: “Come the f--- in, or f--- the f--- off.” But along with this progression from the mannered verbosity of the Oxbridge high table to the testosterone-fuelled diatribes of the Premier League dressing room, Iannucci noticed a more sinister development. It was hardly an opaque one, but he was the first to crystallise, for a satire-starved TV audience, that the true art of government was no longer governing, but appearing to govern. The medium had become the message, as Marshall McLuhan foresaw, and manipulating the media into parroting the party line the paramount concern.
The pen is not mightier than the sword, which is why insurgents so seldom prosecute revolutions with the Biro. But satire, which ever since the Aristophanic balloon-phallus has always tended toward the engagingly vulgar, can certainly wound. One of the many gratifying things about The Thick of It was Mr Campbell’s resentment, however hard he tried to disguise it in the transparent cloak of weary aloofness, at being unveiled as a comic grotesque – a psychotic tribal-loyalist clown trying to convince himself that he was driven by noble intentions rather than what he once knew (though not of himself) as psychological flaws.
In the usual way of those particularly adept at dishing it out, he did not like it up him. A few months ago, he couldn’t contain the rancour, and challenged Iannucci on the latter’s home pitch of wit when he accepted a birthday honour from the Queen. “So
@AIannucci OBE joins the Establishment he claims to deride,” he tweeted. “It’s probably more Establishment to order your army to march into other countries for no reason,” replied Iannucci. “Swings and roundabouts.” Magnificently, though the war was already lost, Ali ploughed on towards the valley of death with: “Three little letters can have more impact than you realise.” To which Iannuci’s reply was the lethally laconic: “WMD.”
The series ends with a nod to Campbell’s blackest hour, with a judge-led, Chilcot-style public inquiry (one the alarmingly thin-skinned Lord Leveson has mistaken for a personal affront) investigating the death of a man driven to suicide by a government leak. But as satire so often does (the first instalment of House of Cards, which began with Mrs Thatcher replaced by a weak and anodyne successor, went out a few days before she resigned), The Thick of It pre-empted more than it echoed. A few weeks before George Osborne’s misadventure of last Friday en route to London from Cheshire, for example, an episode featured Opposition leader Nicola Murray mired in a resignation-forcing debacle aboard a train.
If the show lost some of its bite with the arrival of the Coalition, a more omnishambolic but infinitely less malevolent administration than Blairite New Labour, it translated such internecine banalities as the turf war between Steve Hilton’s jargonistic utopianism and the earthier, tabloid-driven approach of Andy Coulson with real skill.
A show that might have been misrouted by the loss of its initial star, Chris Langham, to a conviction for paedophilia ends with the country obsessing about Jimmy Savile, and perhaps the symmetry hints that it is bowing out at the right time. But it never failed to perform the primary functions of political satire – to illuminate for comic effect why the public timelessly holds the political classes in contempt, and to prick the monstrous self-importance of such pustulent boils on the bum of the body politic as Alastair Campbell. It will be sorely missed by a small but loyal audience, and exceedingly hard to replace. Or as Malcolm Tucker, aka the Goebbels of the Gorbals, might prefer it, “If parting is such sweet sorrow… f--- off.”
While one will be thrilled to see the back of his satirical alter ego Malcolm Tucker, the other will thank the Lord at whose right hand she surely sits for the demise of the sweariest show yet transmitted. The only programme ever to feature the title “Swearing Consultant” in its closing credits, Armando Iannucci’s brutal dissection of modern ministerial life will be fondly remembered for more than its inspired use of obscenity. It charted the fetid and fiascoid underbelly of government with as acute an ear and sharp an eye as its spiritual dam Yes Minister in the Eighties. What changed in the years between the elegantly cunning Sir Humphrey Appleby and the inventively profane Tucker, played with ineffable brilliance by Peter Capaldi, had nothing to do with the nature of politicians. In both, the ministers were barely distinguishable archetypes of spineless incompetence, dragged along like jellyfish by the undercurrents of Westminster life. What changed, after the advent of New Labour in 1997, was the power structure of Whitehall.
In Yes Minister, Jim Hacker’s special adviser was an irrelevant bit-part player, outwitted and sidelined with ease by the omnipotent Sir Humphrey. By the time The Thick of It arrived as an instant cult classic in 2005, the Rolls-Royce Civil Service in which he was the Phantom VI had been downgraded to a Ford Cortina by the rise of the Campbellian superpropagandist.
The distinction went deeper than any contrast in linguistic styles, plain enough though that was: where Sir Humphrey would answer a knock with a genteel “Enter, dear lady”, Tucker’s most memorable response of the kind was: “Come the f--- in, or f--- the f--- off.” But along with this progression from the mannered verbosity of the Oxbridge high table to the testosterone-fuelled diatribes of the Premier League dressing room, Iannucci noticed a more sinister development. It was hardly an opaque one, but he was the first to crystallise, for a satire-starved TV audience, that the true art of government was no longer governing, but appearing to govern. The medium had become the message, as Marshall McLuhan foresaw, and manipulating the media into parroting the party line the paramount concern.
The pen is not mightier than the sword, which is why insurgents so seldom prosecute revolutions with the Biro. But satire, which ever since the Aristophanic balloon-phallus has always tended toward the engagingly vulgar, can certainly wound. One of the many gratifying things about The Thick of It was Mr Campbell’s resentment, however hard he tried to disguise it in the transparent cloak of weary aloofness, at being unveiled as a comic grotesque – a psychotic tribal-loyalist clown trying to convince himself that he was driven by noble intentions rather than what he once knew (though not of himself) as psychological flaws.
In the usual way of those particularly adept at dishing it out, he did not like it up him. A few months ago, he couldn’t contain the rancour, and challenged Iannucci on the latter’s home pitch of wit when he accepted a birthday honour from the Queen. “So
@AIannucci OBE joins the Establishment he claims to deride,” he tweeted. “It’s probably more Establishment to order your army to march into other countries for no reason,” replied Iannucci. “Swings and roundabouts.” Magnificently, though the war was already lost, Ali ploughed on towards the valley of death with: “Three little letters can have more impact than you realise.” To which Iannuci’s reply was the lethally laconic: “WMD.”
The series ends with a nod to Campbell’s blackest hour, with a judge-led, Chilcot-style public inquiry (one the alarmingly thin-skinned Lord Leveson has mistaken for a personal affront) investigating the death of a man driven to suicide by a government leak. But as satire so often does (the first instalment of House of Cards, which began with Mrs Thatcher replaced by a weak and anodyne successor, went out a few days before she resigned), The Thick of It pre-empted more than it echoed. A few weeks before George Osborne’s misadventure of last Friday en route to London from Cheshire, for example, an episode featured Opposition leader Nicola Murray mired in a resignation-forcing debacle aboard a train.
If the show lost some of its bite with the arrival of the Coalition, a more omnishambolic but infinitely less malevolent administration than Blairite New Labour, it translated such internecine banalities as the turf war between Steve Hilton’s jargonistic utopianism and the earthier, tabloid-driven approach of Andy Coulson with real skill.
A show that might have been misrouted by the loss of its initial star, Chris Langham, to a conviction for paedophilia ends with the country obsessing about Jimmy Savile, and perhaps the symmetry hints that it is bowing out at the right time. But it never failed to perform the primary functions of political satire – to illuminate for comic effect why the public timelessly holds the political classes in contempt, and to prick the monstrous self-importance of such pustulent boils on the bum of the body politic as Alastair Campbell. It will be sorely missed by a small but loyal audience, and exceedingly hard to replace. Or as Malcolm Tucker, aka the Goebbels of the Gorbals, might prefer it, “If parting is such sweet sorrow… f--- off.”
Heseltine seeks to scrap dozens of councils
Dozens of district councils should be scrapped to streamline local government and promote economic growth, a government review will say next week.
The review by Lord Heseltine will also recommend the creation of “conurbation mayors” to represent the largest urban areas at a national level.
Lord Heseltine, a former Tory deputy prime minister, will also advise ministers to disperse the Civil Service throughout the country, sending more officials from London to regional offices.
The Heseltine Review was commissioned by George Osborne in the March Budget and its recommendations are part of a range of measures drawn up by the Government to promote economic growth.
Although figures this week showed that Britain was out of recession, economists said that underlying growth was weak and a slide back into a “triple dip” downturn could not be ruled out.
Much of the Heseltine review is said to focus on reforms to local government and parts of the public sector that would make the State better at promoting private-sector growth and job creation.
Many parts of the country have a two-tier system of local government. In total, there are 27 English county council areas, split into 201 districts. A piecemeal series of reforms in recent years has created about 56 “unitary” authorities, doing away with district councils.
Although controversial in some areas, Lord Heseltine is said to recommend that the unitary structure become the norm for England, as it is in Scotland and Wales.
While in opposition, David Cameron described Labour moves to create more unitary authorities as a waste of time that would create unnecessary tensions between councils.
Among his other recommendations, Lord Heseltine is expected to call for the budgets of Whitehall departments to be reformed, with money taken from each ministry and put into a central fund that would be used to back growth schemes.
The review by Lord Heseltine will also recommend the creation of “conurbation mayors” to represent the largest urban areas at a national level.
Lord Heseltine, a former Tory deputy prime minister, will also advise ministers to disperse the Civil Service throughout the country, sending more officials from London to regional offices.
The Heseltine Review was commissioned by George Osborne in the March Budget and its recommendations are part of a range of measures drawn up by the Government to promote economic growth.
Although figures this week showed that Britain was out of recession, economists said that underlying growth was weak and a slide back into a “triple dip” downturn could not be ruled out.
Much of the Heseltine review is said to focus on reforms to local government and parts of the public sector that would make the State better at promoting private-sector growth and job creation.
Many parts of the country have a two-tier system of local government. In total, there are 27 English county council areas, split into 201 districts. A piecemeal series of reforms in recent years has created about 56 “unitary” authorities, doing away with district councils.
Although controversial in some areas, Lord Heseltine is said to recommend that the unitary structure become the norm for England, as it is in Scotland and Wales.
While in opposition, David Cameron described Labour moves to create more unitary authorities as a waste of time that would create unnecessary tensions between councils.
Among his other recommendations, Lord Heseltine is expected to call for the budgets of Whitehall departments to be reformed, with money taken from each ministry and put into a central fund that would be used to back growth schemes.
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